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  "map_content": "In answer to a letter from Edward Heath written on the 30 November, Lord Kilmuir, the Lord Chancellor, makes it plain that there are real problems with the constitutional limitations imposed on government which prevent our joining the EEC.\r\n[He goes on to mention some ways in which the constitution will conflict with Heath\u2019s plans but also indicate ways of subverting the conflict. The comments in red, interleaved in Lord Kilmuir\u2019s letter, clearly show that the Heath Government was prepared to commit acts of sedition and treason in taking the UK into the EEC. Unfortunately we do not have a copy of Heath\u2019s original letter to Lord Kilmuir and therefore Heath\u2019s questions are unknown. However it will take little imagination to guess what they were!]\r\nMy Dear Ted,\r\nYou wrote to me on the 30th November (1971) about the constitutional implications of our becoming a party to the Treaty of Rome. I have now had an opportunity of considering what you say in your letter and have studied the memoranda you sent me. I agree with you that there are important constitutional issues involved.\r\nI have no doubt that if we do sign the Treaty, we shall suffer some loss of sovereignty, but before attempting to define or evaluate the loss I wish to make one general observation. At the end of the day, the issue whether or not to join the European Economic Community must be decided on broad political grounds and if it appears from what follows in this letter that I find the constitutional objections serious that does not mean that I consider them conclusive. I do, however, think it important that we should appreciate clearly from the outset exactly what, from the constitutional point of view, is involved if we sign the treaty, and it is with that consideration in mind that I have addressed myself to the questions you have raised.\r\nHe is clear that if we do sign the agreement with the EEC we will suffer some loss of Sovereignty. This is clearly an act of Treason because our Constitution allows no surrender of any part of our Constitution to a foreign power beyond the control of the Queen in parliament. This is evidenced by the convention which says:\r\n(Parliament may do many things but what it may not do is surrender any of its rights to govern unless we have been defeated in war).\r\nAnd the ruling given to King Edward 3rd in 1366 in which he was told that King John\u2019s action in surrendering England to the Pope, and ruling England as a Vassal King to Rome was illegal because England did not belong to John he only held it in trust for those who followed on. The Money the Pope was demanding as tribute was not to be paid. Because England\u2019s Kings were not vassal Kings to the Pope and the money was not owed.\r\nAdherence to the Treaty of Rome would, in my opinion, affect our sovereignty in three ways:-\r\nParliament would be required to surrender some of its functions to the organs of the community; Answer as above. The Crown would be called on to transfer part of its treaty-making power to those organs of the community;\r\nThe Constitution confers treaty making powers only on the Sovereign and the Sovereign cannot transfer those powers to a foreign power or even our own parliament because they are not the incumbent Sovereigns to give away as they only hold those powers in trust for those who follow on.\r\nOur courts of law would sacrifice some degree of independence by becoming subordinate in certain respects to the European Court of Justice.\r\nIt is a Praemunire to allow any case to be taken to a foreign court not under the control of the Sovereign. The European Court Justice or the European court of Human rights are foreign courts not under the control of our Sovereign. Praemunire is a crime akin to Treason.\r\nThe position of Parliament\r\nIt is clear that the memorandum prepared by your Legal Advisers that the Council of could eventually (after the system of qualified majority voting had come into force) make regulations which would be binding on us even against our wishes, and which would in fact become for us part of the law of the land.\r\nThere are two ways in which this requirement of the Treaty could in practice be implemented:-\r\nIt is a Praemunire to allow any laws or regulations not made by the Sovereign in parliament to take effect as law in England. This is illegal under the Acts of Treason 1351, the Act of Praemunire 1392, The Act of Supremacy 1559, and the Declaration and Bill of Rights 1688/9.\r\nParliament could legislate ad hoc on each occasion that the Council make regulations requiring action by us. The difficulty would be that, since Parliament can bind neither itself not its successors, we could only comply with our obligations under the Treaty if Parliament abandoned its right of passing independent judgement on the legislative proposals put before www.ssrichardmontgomery.com www.ssrichardmontgomery.com it. A parallel is the constitutional convention whereby Parliament passes British North American Bills without question at the request of the Parliament of Canada, in this respect Parliament here has substance, if not in form, abdicated its sovereign position, and it would have pro tanto, to do the same for the Community.\r\nNo such power exists for parliament to do this. This would be an Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act, A Praemunire under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, an Act of Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy, and the 1688/9 Declaration and Bill of Rights.\r\nIt would in theory be possible for parliament to enact at the outset legislation which would give automatic force of law to any existing or future regulations made by the appropriate organs of the Community. For Parliament to do this would go far beyond the most extensive delegation of powers even in wartime that we have ever experienced and I do not think there is any likelihood of this being acceptable to the House of Commons. Whichever course were adopted, Parliament would retain in theory the liberty to repeal the relevant Act or Acts, but I would agree with you that we must act on the assumption that entry into the Community would be irrevocable, we should therefore to accept a position where Parliament had no more power to repeal us own enactments than it has in practice to abrogate the statute of Westminster. In short. Parliament would have to transfer to the Council, or other appropriate organ of the Community, its substantive powers of legislating over the whole of a very important field.\r\nThere is no constitutionally acceptable method of doing this because it would be tantamount to a total abrogation of their duty to govern us according to our laws and customs. And it would be an Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act, A Praemunire under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, and Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy, and the Declaration and Bill of Rights 1688/9.\r\nTreaty-making Powers\r\nThe proposition that every treaty entered into by the United Kingdom does to some extent fetter our freedom of action is plainly true. Some treaties such as GATT and O.E.E.C. restrict severely our liberty to make agreements with third parties and I should not regard it as detrimental to our sovereign that, by signing the Treaty of Rome, we undertook not to make tariff or trade agreements without the Council\u2019s approval. But to transfer to the council or the Commission the power to make such treaties on our behalf, and even against our will, is an entirely different proposition. There seems to me to be a clear distinction between the exercise of sovereignty involved in the conscious acceptance by us of obligations under treaty-making powers and the total or partial surrender of sovereignty involved in our cession of these powers to some other body. To confer a sovereign state\u2019s treaty-making powers on an international organisation is the first step on the road which leads by way of confederation to the fully federal state. I do not suggest that what is involved would necessarily carry us very far in this direction, but it would be a most significant step and one for which there is no precedent in our case. Moreover, a further surrender of sovereignty of parliamentary supremacy would necessarily be involved: as you know although the treaty-making power is vested in the Crown. Parliamentary sanction is required for any treaty which involves a change in the law or the imposition of taxation to take two examples and we cannot ratify such a treaty unless Parliament consents. But if binding treaties are to be entered into on our behalf, Parliament must surrender this function and either resign itself to becoming a rubber stamp or give the Community, in effect, the power to amend our domestic laws.\r\nThis is a surrender of our Sovereignty a clear Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act and a Praemunire, under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, it is Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy and the 1688/9 Declaration and Bill of Rights.\r\nIndependence of the Courts\r\nThere is no precedent for our final appellate tribunal being required to refer questions of law (even in a limited field) to another court and as I assume to be the implication of \u2018refer\u2019- to accept that court\u2019s decision. You will remember that when a similar proposal was considered in connection with the Council of Europe we felt strong objection to it. I have no doubt that the whole of the legal profession in this country would share my dislike for such a proposal which must inevitably detract from the independence and authority of our courts.\r\nOf those three objections, the first two are by far the more important. I must emphasise that in my view the surrenders of sovereignly involved are serious ones and I think that as a matter of practical politics, it will not be easy to persuade Parliament or the public to accept them. I am sure that it would be a great mistake to under-estimate the force of objections to them. But these objections ought to be brought out into the open now because, if we attempt lo gloss over them at this stage those who are opposed to the whole idea of our joining the Community will certainly seize on them with more damaging effect later on. 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  "map_content": "In answer to a letter from Edward Heath written on the 30 November, Lord Kilmuir, the Lord Chancellor, makes it plain that there are real problems with the constitutional limitations imposed on government which prevent our joining the EEC.\r\n[He goes on to mention some ways in which the constitution will conflict with Heath\u2019s plans but also indicate ways of subverting the conflict. The comments in red, interleaved in Lord Kilmuir\u2019s letter, clearly show that the Heath Government was prepared to commit acts of sedition and treason in taking the UK into the EEC. Unfortunately we do not have a copy of Heath\u2019s original letter to Lord Kilmuir and therefore Heath\u2019s questions are unknown. However it will take little imagination to guess what they were!]\r\nMy Dear Ted,\r\nYou wrote to me on the 30th November (1971) about the constitutional implications of our becoming a party to the Treaty of Rome. I have now had an opportunity of considering what you say in your letter and have studied the memoranda you sent me. I agree with you that there are important constitutional issues involved.\r\nI have no doubt that if we do sign the Treaty, we shall suffer some loss of sovereignty, but before attempting to define or evaluate the loss I wish to make one general observation. At the end of the day, the issue whether or not to join the European Economic Community must be decided on broad political grounds and if it appears from what follows in this letter that I find the constitutional objections serious that does not mean that I consider them conclusive. I do, however, think it important that we should appreciate clearly from the outset exactly what, from the constitutional point of view, is involved if we sign the treaty, and it is with that consideration in mind that I have addressed myself to the questions you have raised.\r\nHe is clear that if we do sign the agreement with the EEC we will suffer some loss of Sovereignty. This is clearly an act of Treason because our Constitution allows no surrender of any part of our Constitution to a foreign power beyond the control of the Queen in parliament. This is evidenced by the convention which says:\r\n(Parliament may do many things but what it may not do is surrender any of its rights to govern unless we have been defeated in war).\r\nAnd the ruling given to King Edward 3rd in 1366 in which he was told that King John\u2019s action in surrendering England to the Pope, and ruling England as a Vassal King to Rome was illegal because England did not belong to John he only held it in trust for those who followed on. The Money the Pope was demanding as tribute was not to be paid. Because England\u2019s Kings were not vassal Kings to the Pope and the money was not owed.\r\nAdherence to the Treaty of Rome would, in my opinion, affect our sovereignty in three ways:-\r\nParliament would be required to surrender some of its functions to the organs of the community; Answer as above. The Crown would be called on to transfer part of its treaty-making power to those organs of the community;\r\nThe Constitution confers treaty making powers only on the Sovereign and the Sovereign cannot transfer those powers to a foreign power or even our own parliament because they are not the incumbent Sovereigns to give away as they only hold those powers in trust for those who follow on.\r\nOur courts of law would sacrifice some degree of independence by becoming subordinate in certain respects to the European Court of Justice.\r\nIt is a Praemunire to allow any case to be taken to a foreign court not under the control of the Sovereign. The European Court Justice or the European court of Human rights are foreign courts not under the control of our Sovereign. Praemunire is a crime akin to Treason.\r\nThe position of Parliament\r\nIt is clear that the memorandum prepared by your Legal Advisers that the Council of could eventually (after the system of qualified majority voting had come into force) make regulations which would be binding on us even against our wishes, and which would in fact become for us part of the law of the land.\r\nThere are two ways in which this requirement of the Treaty could in practice be implemented:-\r\nIt is a Praemunire to allow any laws or regulations not made by the Sovereign in parliament to take effect as law in England. This is illegal under the Acts of Treason 1351, the Act of Praemunire 1392, The Act of Supremacy 1559, and the Declaration and Bill of Rights 1688/9.\r\nParliament could legislate ad hoc on each occasion that the Council make regulations requiring action by us. The difficulty would be that, since Parliament can bind neither itself not its successors, we could only comply with our obligations under the Treaty if Parliament abandoned its right of passing independent judgement on the legislative proposals put before www.ssrichardmontgomery.com www.ssrichardmontgomery.com it. A parallel is the constitutional convention whereby Parliament passes British North American Bills without question at the request of the Parliament of Canada, in this respect Parliament here has substance, if not in form, abdicated its sovereign position, and it would have pro tanto, to do the same for the Community.\r\nNo such power exists for parliament to do this. This would be an Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act, A Praemunire under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, an Act of Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy, and the 1688/9 Declaration and Bill of Rights.\r\nIt would in theory be possible for parliament to enact at the outset legislation which would give automatic force of law to any existing or future regulations made by the appropriate organs of the Community. For Parliament to do this would go far beyond the most extensive delegation of powers even in wartime that we have ever experienced and I do not think there is any likelihood of this being acceptable to the House of Commons. Whichever course were adopted, Parliament would retain in theory the liberty to repeal the relevant Act or Acts, but I would agree with you that we must act on the assumption that entry into the Community would be irrevocable, we should therefore to accept a position where Parliament had no more power to repeal us own enactments than it has in practice to abrogate the statute of Westminster. In short. Parliament would have to transfer to the Council, or other appropriate organ of the Community, its substantive powers of legislating over the whole of a very important field.\r\nThere is no constitutionally acceptable method of doing this because it would be tantamount to a total abrogation of their duty to govern us according to our laws and customs. And it would be an Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act, A Praemunire under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, and Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy, and the Declaration and Bill of Rights 1688/9.\r\nTreaty-making Powers\r\nThe proposition that every treaty entered into by the United Kingdom does to some extent fetter our freedom of action is plainly true. Some treaties such as GATT and O.E.E.C. restrict severely our liberty to make agreements with third parties and I should not regard it as detrimental to our sovereign that, by signing the Treaty of Rome, we undertook not to make tariff or trade agreements without the Council\u2019s approval. But to transfer to the council or the Commission the power to make such treaties on our behalf, and even against our will, is an entirely different proposition. There seems to me to be a clear distinction between the exercise of sovereignty involved in the conscious acceptance by us of obligations under treaty-making powers and the total or partial surrender of sovereignty involved in our cession of these powers to some other body. To confer a sovereign state\u2019s treaty-making powers on an international organisation is the first step on the road which leads by way of confederation to the fully federal state. I do not suggest that what is involved would necessarily carry us very far in this direction, but it would be a most significant step and one for which there is no precedent in our case. Moreover, a further surrender of sovereignty of parliamentary supremacy would necessarily be involved: as you know although the treaty-making power is vested in the Crown. Parliamentary sanction is required for any treaty which involves a change in the law or the imposition of taxation to take two examples and we cannot ratify such a treaty unless Parliament consents. But if binding treaties are to be entered into on our behalf, Parliament must surrender this function and either resign itself to becoming a rubber stamp or give the Community, in effect, the power to amend our domestic laws.\r\nThis is a surrender of our Sovereignty a clear Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act and a Praemunire, under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, it is Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy and the 1688/9 Declaration and Bill of Rights.\r\nIndependence of the Courts\r\nThere is no precedent for our final appellate tribunal being required to refer questions of law (even in a limited field) to another court and as I assume to be the implication of \u2018refer\u2019- to accept that court\u2019s decision. You will remember that when a similar proposal was considered in connection with the Council of Europe we felt strong objection to it. I have no doubt that the whole of the legal profession in this country would share my dislike for such a proposal which must inevitably detract from the independence and authority of our courts.\r\nOf those three objections, the first two are by far the more important. I must emphasise that in my view the surrenders of sovereignly involved are serious ones and I think that as a matter of practical politics, it will not be easy to persuade Parliament or the public to accept them. I am sure that it would be a great mistake to under-estimate the force of objections to them. But these objections ought to be brought out into the open now because, if we attempt lo gloss over them at this stage those who are opposed to the whole idea of our joining the Community will certainly seize on them with more damaging effect later on. Having said this, I would emphasise once again that, although those constitutional considerations must be given their lull weight when we come to balance the arguments on either side, I do not for one moment wish to convey the impression that they must necessarily tip the scale. In the long run we shall have to decide whether economic factors require us to make some sacrifices of sovereignty: my concern is to ensure that we should see exactly what it is that we are being called on to sacrifice, and how serious our loss would be.\r\nIt is a Praemunire to subject Her Majesty\u2019s Courts of law to the domination of a foreign court outside of Her Majesty\u2019s control.",
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  "map_content": "In answer to a letter from Edward Heath written on the 30 November, Lord Kilmuir, the Lord Chancellor, makes it plain that there are real problems with the constitutional limitations imposed on government which prevent our joining the EEC.\r\n[He goes on to mention some ways in which the constitution will conflict with Heath\u2019s plans but also indicate ways of subverting the conflict. The comments in red, interleaved in Lord Kilmuir\u2019s letter, clearly show that the Heath Government was prepared to commit acts of sedition and treason in taking the UK into the EEC. Unfortunately we do not have a copy of Heath\u2019s original letter to Lord Kilmuir and therefore Heath\u2019s questions are unknown. However it will take little imagination to guess what they were!]\r\nMy Dear Ted,\r\nYou wrote to me on the 30th November (1971) about the constitutional implications of our becoming a party to the Treaty of Rome. I have now had an opportunity of considering what you say in your letter and have studied the memoranda you sent me. I agree with you that there are important constitutional issues involved.\r\nI have no doubt that if we do sign the Treaty, we shall suffer some loss of sovereignty, but before attempting to define or evaluate the loss I wish to make one general observation. At the end of the day, the issue whether or not to join the European Economic Community must be decided on broad political grounds and if it appears from what follows in this letter that I find the constitutional objections serious that does not mean that I consider them conclusive. I do, however, think it important that we should appreciate clearly from the outset exactly what, from the constitutional point of view, is involved if we sign the treaty, and it is with that consideration in mind that I have addressed myself to the questions you have raised.\r\nHe is clear that if we do sign the agreement with the EEC we will suffer some loss of Sovereignty. This is clearly an act of Treason because our Constitution allows no surrender of any part of our Constitution to a foreign power beyond the control of the Queen in parliament. This is evidenced by the convention which says:\r\n(Parliament may do many things but what it may not do is surrender any of its rights to govern unless we have been defeated in war).\r\nAnd the ruling given to King Edward 3rd in 1366 in which he was told that King John\u2019s action in surrendering England to the Pope, and ruling England as a Vassal King to Rome was illegal because England did not belong to John he only held it in trust for those who followed on. The Money the Pope was demanding as tribute was not to be paid. Because England\u2019s Kings were not vassal Kings to the Pope and the money was not owed.\r\nAdherence to the Treaty of Rome would, in my opinion, affect our sovereignty in three ways:-\r\nParliament would be required to surrender some of its functions to the organs of the community; Answer as above. The Crown would be called on to transfer part of its treaty-making power to those organs of the community;\r\nThe Constitution confers treaty making powers only on the Sovereign and the Sovereign cannot transfer those powers to a foreign power or even our own parliament because they are not the incumbent Sovereigns to give away as they only hold those powers in trust for those who follow on.\r\nOur courts of law would sacrifice some degree of independence by becoming subordinate in certain respects to the European Court of Justice.\r\nIt is a Praemunire to allow any case to be taken to a foreign court not under the control of the Sovereign. The European Court Justice or the European court of Human rights are foreign courts not under the control of our Sovereign. Praemunire is a crime akin to Treason.\r\nThe position of Parliament\r\nIt is clear that the memorandum prepared by your Legal Advisers that the Council of could eventually (after the system of qualified majority voting had come into force) make regulations which would be binding on us even against our wishes, and which would in fact become for us part of the law of the land.\r\nThere are two ways in which this requirement of the Treaty could in practice be implemented:-\r\nIt is a Praemunire to allow any laws or regulations not made by the Sovereign in parliament to take effect as law in England. This is illegal under the Acts of Treason 1351, the Act of Praemunire 1392, The Act of Supremacy 1559, and the Declaration and Bill of Rights 1688/9.\r\nParliament could legislate ad hoc on each occasion that the Council make regulations requiring action by us. The difficulty would be that, since Parliament can bind neither itself not its successors, we could only comply with our obligations under the Treaty if Parliament abandoned its right of passing independent judgement on the legislative proposals put before www.ssrichardmontgomery.com www.ssrichardmontgomery.com it. A parallel is the constitutional convention whereby Parliament passes British North American Bills without question at the request of the Parliament of Canada, in this respect Parliament here has substance, if not in form, abdicated its sovereign position, and it would have pro tanto, to do the same for the Community.\r\nNo such power exists for parliament to do this. This would be an Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act, A Praemunire under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, an Act of Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy, and the 1688/9 Declaration and Bill of Rights.\r\nIt would in theory be possible for parliament to enact at the outset legislation which would give automatic force of law to any existing or future regulations made by the appropriate organs of the Community. For Parliament to do this would go far beyond the most extensive delegation of powers even in wartime that we have ever experienced and I do not think there is any likelihood of this being acceptable to the House of Commons. Whichever course were adopted, Parliament would retain in theory the liberty to repeal the relevant Act or Acts, but I would agree with you that we must act on the assumption that entry into the Community would be irrevocable, we should therefore to accept a position where Parliament had no more power to repeal us own enactments than it has in practice to abrogate the statute of Westminster. In short. Parliament would have to transfer to the Council, or other appropriate organ of the Community, its substantive powers of legislating over the whole of a very important field.\r\nThere is no constitutionally acceptable method of doing this because it would be tantamount to a total abrogation of their duty to govern us according to our laws and customs. And it would be an Act of Treason under the 1351 Treason Act, A Praemunire under the 1392 Act of Praemunire, and Treason under the 1559 Act of Supremacy, and the Declaration and Bill of Rights 1688/9.\r\nTreaty-making Powers\r\nThe proposition that every treaty entered into by the United Kingdom does to some extent fetter our freedom of action is plainly true. Some treaties such as GATT and O.E.E.C. restrict severely our liberty to make agreements with third parties and I should not regard it as detrimental to our sovereign that, by signing the Treaty of Rome, we undertook not to make tariff or trade agreements without the Council\u2019s approval. But to transfer to the council or the Commission the power to make such treaties on our behalf, and even against our will, is an entirely different proposition. There seems to me to be a clear distinction between the exercise of sovereignty involved in the conscious acceptance by us of obligations under treaty-making powers and the total or partial surrender of sovereignty involved in our cession of these powers to some other body. To confer a sovereign state\u2019s treaty-making powers on an international organisation is the first step on the road which leads by way of confederation to the fully federal state. I do not suggest that what is involved would necessarily carry us very far in this direction, but it would be a most significant step and one for which there is no precedent in our case. Moreover, a further surrender of sovereignty of parliamentary supremacy would necessarily be involved: as you know although the treaty-making power is vested in the Crown. 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You will remember that when a similar proposal was considered in connection with the Council of Europe we felt strong objection to it. I have no doubt that the whole of the legal profession in this country would share my dislike for such a proposal which must inevitably detract from the independence and authority of our courts.\r\nOf those three objections, the first two are by far the more important. I must emphasise that in my view the surrenders of sovereignly involved are serious ones and I think that as a matter of practical politics, it will not be easy to persuade Parliament or the public to accept them. I am sure that it would be a great mistake to under-estimate the force of objections to them. But these objections ought to be brought out into the open now because, if we attempt lo gloss over them at this stage those who are opposed to the whole idea of our joining the Community will certainly seize on them with more damaging effect later on. Having said this, I would emphasise once again that, although those constitutional considerations must be given their lull weight when we come to balance the arguments on either side, I do not for one moment wish to convey the impression that they must necessarily tip the scale. In the long run we shall have to decide whether economic factors require us to make some sacrifices of sovereignty: my concern is to ensure that we should see exactly what it is that we are being called on to sacrifice, and how serious our loss would be.\r\nIt is a Praemunire to subject Her Majesty\u2019s Courts of law to the domination of a foreign court outside of Her Majesty\u2019s control.",
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  "map_content": "Chapter 1, Page 6\r\n3-step process to curing anxiety & depression\r\nThere is a 3-step process to curing anxiety & depression. Although depression is the result of a disengaged hippocampus that has been damaged by prolonged over exposure to cortisol, so depression will take longer to recover from since the hippocampus actually needs time to recover & repair, but the process is still the same, it will just require being \u00a0repeated over & over for a longer period of time. First, the meaning of the traumatic thoughts must be dissolved to prevent the generation of more cortisol. Second, the hippocampus must be \u201cshocked\u201d into functioning, similar to kick starting a motorbike or aircraft propeller. Third, gratitude must be practiced regularly to maintain the continued stimulation of the hippocampus. I call this \u201cThe Toshi Treatment\u201d for anxiety & depression.\r\nhttps://paiybit.com/paiybit/69e265ed7d397c242ea698b5",
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  "map_content": "From Suicide To Sushi With Satoshi\r\nPrologue: The introduction to this story & why you should read this book\u2026\r\n\u00a0I was suicidal from 2018 to 2021. Each & everyday was touch and go. I never knew if I was going to see the sun rise of the following morning. The pain I was experiencing in the centre of my head became too much to bear. I couldn\u2019t think straight. I couldn\u2019t remember where I\u2019d been, who\u2019d spoken to, what I\u2019d said, I was even losing facial recognition of my closest friends. I literally couldn\u2019t function.\r\n\u00a0The overwhelming sensations of \u201cno hope & impending doom\u201d were overwhelming me until one morning I hit rock bottom. I\u2019d had enough, this was it, my last day on earth.\r\n\u00a0The sensations of grief I knew it would cause to my loved ones that loved me unconditionally, like my mother, were killing me, but I was a nobody. An empty shell of what I used to be. All charisma, personality, creativity & initiative had dissolved over the past three years. I was nothing. I couldn\u2019t even help myself, let alone anyone else. I was becoming a burden to everyone. It was best to just get it over with.\r\n\u00a0You should read this book because it describes the full range of human emotions from ultimate fear to unconditional love. Not only did I recover, but creativity & initiative came flooding back with vengeance. I started receiving intuition via the reactivation of my pineal gland that helped me solve the two greatest mysteries of our time: mental health & Bitcoin.\r\n\u00a0This journey took me from suicide to eventually having sushi with Satoshi & uncovering the greatest conspiracy the world has ever known, which is an extremist religious agenda to \u201creset\u201d the world by corrupting everything within it, & installing a dystopian, totalitarian, one world government from it.\r\n\u00a0This book describes the problems in detail from the poisoning of our minds, the reduction in our physical health, all the way to the corruption of our language, education system, judiciary, politicians & the financial system.\r\n\u00a0The reason it\u2019s so important to study the problem is because in order to come up with a solution you must first of all fundamentally understand the problem. It\u2019s the only way to possibly come up with a solution. As Sun Tuz said in The Art Of War: \u201cIf you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.\u201d\r\n\u00a0He also said: \u201cAn evil man will burn his own nation to the ground to rule over the ashes\u201d, & this is precisely what we are dealing with, except we\u2019re dealing with the world\u2019s most powerful mafia that has infiltrated almost every aspect of everyone\u2019s lives, all around the world & is intent on destroying everything, so \u201cthey\u201d can then build a world of their own.\r\n\u00a0As you can imagine from the prologue, this story is worthy of a book or Hollywood movie. I just hope I can get it finished before they destroy us all because this is happening now, in real time, as I type.\r\n\u00a0Join me on this journey because the ONLY way we win is to generate worldwide consensus to prevent it & come up with a solution together. There is strength in numbers & knowledge is power, & the ONLY way people will unite to defeat this satanic agenda is with economic incentive, power & the will to win!",
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